Holy Roman Empire

St. Petersburg received the peace signal released by the British, and Alexander III couldn't help but sigh helplessly.

The Afghan war could be described as starting strong but finishing weak; for the Russian Empire, it began with the might of a king but almost ended with the performance of a bronze.

In the beginning, with the support of the Afghan Guerrillas, the Russian Army was beating the British decisively, but unfortunately, the terrain of the Afghan region was not easy, and as the front lines continued to push forward, the logistical pressure on the Russian troops also increased drastically.

Furthermore, with the continuous arrival of British reinforcements, the Russian Army lost its numerical advantage, and the situation on the battlefield gradually began to change.

By now, the Afghan war had turned into a war of attrition. Faced with the financially and militarily powerful British, the impoverished Tsarist Government obviously could not cope.

Although it seemed that Russian troops had the upper hand in the Afghan battlefield, the Tsarist Government had its own unspeakable difficulties.

Up until now, the Russian Army had already suffered casualties of nearly half a million men, as well as war expenses amounting to several billion Rubles, yet the legendary India remained elusive.

The number of casualties was a minor issue, after all, with the recovery of Central Asia and the occupation of three-quarters of Afghanistan, and even a stunning exchange ratio of 1.1:3.7 achieved, it could be said that this was the Russian Army's best performance in nearly fifty years.

Of course, this included the achievements against both the Central Asian Khanate and the Indian Colonial Army. If faced solely with the main British forces, the Russian troops still didn't have much of an advantage.

Puffery was alright; this didn't prevent the Tsarist Government from using it for political propaganda. In any case, the performance of the Russian troops on the battlefield was sufficiently defensible on all fronts.

What gave Alexander III a headache was the financial situation. Since he ascended the throne, the Tsarist Government had invested all its reserves into the war and had also accumulated huge debts. More importantly, they had failed to breach India.

If the Russian forces had already penetrated India, then even if it meant breaking the pot and selling iron, Alexander III would have continued the war.

Sadly, reality doesn't entertain ifs, and the British had already reacted. Besides the hundreds of thousands of main troops sent from the homeland, there were two million Indian troops from the Colonial Department, cannon fodder, standing by in strict formation.

According to intelligence from the front lines, the main British forces rarely came out for a decisive battle anymore, spending most of their time supervising from the rear, using colonial troops to tangle with the Russian Army, and the British commanders didn't even care at all about casualties.

At this rate, it seemed as if the British wouldn't admit defeat until all Indians had perished.

No matter how worthless those gray beasts were, they were still more valuable than colonial natives. Regardless of the exchange ratio, the Russian Army was at a loss, after all, the opposing Indians numbered three hundred million.

"Prepare to negotiate with the British!"

After making this decision, Alexander III became thoroughly disheartened. The Russian Empire had missed its closest chance to reach India.

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"Your Majesty, shall we inform the Austrians? After all..."

Before Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes could finish his sentence, Alexander III interrupted, "You handle it! Anyway, the British don't want to fight anymore, and we don't have the ability to continue."

Having said this, Alexander III turned and left immediately.

Without a doubt, it wasn't that the Russian Empire wasn't capable of continuing the war; after all, they still had Austria nursing them back to health, and they could hold on for a while.

The key issue was that without the ability to seize India, continuing this war would only benefit Austria, who was progressing mightily in the African Continent, and that didn't align with the interests of the Russian Empire.

Even the best of allies couldn't resist the enticement of interests.

According to the prior agreement, the Vienna Government supported the Tsarist Government's domination of India in exchange for Russian support of Austria's monopoly over Africa, and after the war, both countries would share dominance over European land.

The Tsarist Government's cessation of hostilities with the British was also stabbing its ally in the back. But there was no choice; the Tsarist Government had already confirmed that they could not seize India, and they couldn't just watch Austria dominate Africa.

Otherwise, the disparity in power between the two countries after the war would only grow further, and in an era where the survival of the fittest reigned, the so-called shared dominance over Europe would be nothing but a joke.

Alexander III's political astuteness was extremely keen; understanding the importance of the Russian-Austrian Alliance and to reduce political impact, he decisively chose to pass the buck.

...

Ever since the decision to support the French was made, the UK Foreign Office had taken a series of actions, and the ceasefire between Britain and Russia was just one of those measures.

After all, the Russians were allies of Austria and couldn't be swayed by a few words to turn against them. Not to mention other issues—just the Anglo-Russian conflict alone couldn't be resolved in a short period.

Having just fought a war and then to form an alliance—these tricky operations exist in theory, perhaps achievable in the medieval era.

But in today's era of rising nationalism, anyone daring to play such games would certainly spark a revolution.

Tokyo, having sent away the unwelcome British Ambassador, Ito Hirobumi was in a very bad mood.

He had barely managed to coordinate various interests, barely suppressed the voices advocating for a southern expansion, and continued the previous strategy of expansion to the north. Now, with the British meddling, the situation had changed again.

Without having to think about it, if the British had even visited him, the leader of the opposition, it goes without saying that politicians who originally supported the southern expansion had certainly been persuaded.

As Ito Hirobumi pondered his countermeasures, the attendant's voice suddenly rang out.

"Prime Minister, the Palace has called, requesting your immediate attendance at an imperial conference."

With a "bang," the water glass in Ito Hirobumi's hand dropped to the floor. The call came too quickly, leaving him no time to prepare.

Without a doubt, there had to be the involvement of domestic political forces behind this; otherwise, the imperial conference wouldn't have been called right after the British Ambassador had left.

This move was clearly meant to intimidate him, the leader of the southward expansion opposition, to step down.

There was nothing to be done. All of the "Three Greats" of the Meiji Restoration had passed away, and there was no longer a needle that could suppress all political forces, resulting in increasingly outrageous political maneuvers.

Just like now, those fellows had contacted the British discreetly, bypassing him as the Prime Minister, and might have even reached an agreement.

Though he was aware of it, Ito Hirobumi was essentially powerless. No matter his reputed brilliance in later times, he had never achieved absolute authority.

It means that Japan has not yet engaged in strategic risks, and the military has not had time to grow stronger in war, so the government can barely keep them under control.

If we were to wait until the military got bigger, anyone who dared to oppose them would risk inciting a coup in minutes, changing the government.

...

Minister of the Navy Saigo Tsugumichi was the first to speak up, "The British have already made their position clear, intending to support the French. This has fundamentally changed the international situation.

The outcome of the war in Europe is becoming more transparent, and the risks we were originally concerned about no longer exist. All the conditions for implementing a southward strategy are in place."

If possible, Saigo Tsugumichi did not want to be the one to initiate action. But there was no choice, as the Minister of the Navy, he couldn't avoid leading the charge.

The Southeast Asian region is crowded with major powers, and the situation is complex. Once Japan extends its influence there, it will necessarily have to significantly expand its navy.

As the biggest beneficiary of the southward strategy, the navy's top brass has already unified their opinion, not allowing him, the Minister of the Navy, any room to back down.

Minister of Agriculture and Commerce Kaoru Inoue said, "Saigo-san, your so-called clarity of the war situation in Europe may be premature.

As everyone knows, the British are strongest at sea with their Royal Navy. By comparison, their army is quite ordinary.

Even if the French gain support from the British, it doesn't mean much for the decisive battle on the European continent unless the Russians also support them.

In fact, that's an impossibility. As we all know, the Russian-Austrian Alliance is very solid, and Russia simply cannot do without Austria.

Only if the Tsarist Government has lost its mind would it betray its own ally and support its enemy."

No problem there, the England and Russia negotiations have just begun, still in a confidential phase. Japan's intelligence capabilities are limited and have not yet reached the upper echelons of Britain and Russia.

Following normal patterns of thought, with England and Russia about to go to war, and France and Austria doing the same, the enemy of my enemy is my friend. Moreover, Russia and Austria already have an alliance, and now with England and France banding together, naturally, Russia and Austria will also stand united.

For England and France to contend with Russia and Austria on land spells an almost certain defeat. In this context, it would be utterly unreliable for Austria to accept an invitation from England and France to declare war.

Army General Ozan spoke, "Inoue-san, you are overthinking it. Let's not talk about whether the Russians are willing to send troops in support of Austria, so what even if they do win in Europe?

As long as the British are willing to support France, the Anti-French Alliance is at an absolute disadvantage in the colonial wars overseas. If Austria wants to retaliate against us, they need the capability to overcome the Royal Navy's blockade first.

As far as I know, we're not the only ones whom England and France are courting as allies, a few American Countries will join as well, aiming to seize Austria's overseas colonies.

We awakened too late and missed the colonial era. Now, looking around the world, every piece of land already has an owner.

Fortunately, the Great European Nations are also full of contradictions. This European war is our best opportunity. If we seize the Austrian Nanyang, we'll have all we want—coal, iron ore, rubber, grain... everything.

Gazing at the self-indulgent Ozan, Ito Hirobumi couldn't help but interject, "The British are not prepared to form an alliance with us. Inviting them to join the attack on the Austrian Nanyang is simply due to the situation.

No matter what they've promised us, the majority of the benefits from taking the Austrian Nanyang will belong to England and France, and we'll be left with merely the scraps.

We've all studied European history and should understand their rules. Even if Austria is defeated in this war, they are still a great power.

It's completely counterproductive to offend a Great European Nation for the sake of minor gains. The British will certainly not come to our aid should we face retaliation in the future."

The veil was lifted, and everyone was stunned. It's the nature of this era for the weak to be at the mercy of the strong, with no right to fight for the spoils of war.

The disparity in power is too great, and even if England and France make many promises, the Japanese Government will not have the ability to hold them to it after the war. Breaking agreements is all too common when it comes to interests.

If we cannot take exclusive control of the Austrian Nanyang, and merely follow England and France to pick up the leftovers, then launching this war becomes completely pointless.

The Japanese military might be aggressive, but they're not foolish. The Showa General Staff's middle school syndrome has yet to go live, and the intelligence of everyone present is still very much online, naturally, they won't jump into a pit.

Saigo Tsugumichi smiled slightly and pointing at the map on the wall, he said, "Ito-kun, we have of course considered this issue. The British have their own plans, and we have ours.

Our neighbor has an old saying, 'taking advantage of the situation to attack Qi.' Everyone knows that Austria is tough, just their power in Southeast Asia alone is not something we can handle.

From the start, the Austrian Nanyang was never our goal. Our true target has always been this—the fertile Philippine Islands.

Choosing to cooperate with England and France was merely to use them for cover, to confuse the Spaniards and create an opportunity to seize the Philippine Islands."

Upon hearing this explanation, Ito Hirobumi's stern look slightly softened. Compared to attacking Austrian Nanyang, bullying the Spaniards seemed more acceptable, at least the risks were within a controllable range.

"Your plan sounds good, but have you considered the consequences?

England and France are not easy to deal with, and once they learn we are using them, they will surely seek revenge in the future.

A misstep could plunge the Empire into an irreparable catastrophe. After all, we are still too weak and cannot withstand such turmoil."

Saigo Tsugumichi nodded, "We've discussed this issue thoroughly within the military. If there were no European war, we wouldn't dare take such action no matter what.

But now it's different. The Great European Nations have divided into two camps: England and France versus Russia and Austria. The British strategy of maintaining European balance is crumbling, and for a while at least, these powers won't be able to spare a thought for us.

According to the data we've collected, combined, the warring parties have mobilized more than ten million soldiers. If this bloodbath continues, it's highly unlikely for there to be a true victor in the European war—most likely it will end with both sides heavily damaged.

If we are flexible, and join the winning side just before the European war concludes, we can secure the game.

No matter who wins the war, afterwards they'll be too busy licking their wounds to embark on a major conflict over such a trivial matter as punishing us, their ally.

If we're lucky, we could even pick up some spoils of war and elevate our international status."

...