Holy Roman Empire

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It turned out that life was indeed more important than money: the wealthier one was, the more one cherished it. After weighing the pros and cons, everyone felt the protection fees had to be paid.

Being able to have a base in an unfriendly foreign land, whether one started from scratch or inherited it from ancestors, was no mean feat.

By draping the tiger skin of Austria over themselves, they could not only survive the immediate threat but, more importantly, avoid taking sides in this war.

Compared with the Japanese Army's plundering, taking a political stand was truly fatal. After all, residing in Southeast Asia where anti-Chinese movements often erupted, being robbed was not a rare occurrence, and everyone had experience in dealing with it.

Even if they were robbed by the Japanese Army, it was only a loss of some visible wealth. Political alignment was different; a wrong bet could result in the death of oneself and one's clan.

Without the support of a powerful nation, overseas Chinese were as insignificant as grass. Everyone present wanted to find a powerful backer, just as Honorino wanted to make money and gain political achievements.

With the precedent of the Lanfang Company, Austria's reputation among the Southeast Asian Chinese was incredibly good. They were straightforward with their rules: if they said they wouldn't interfere in internal affairs, they didn't interfere, and it was hard to find a second power that behaved like that. Enjoy exclusive content from My Virtual Library Empire

The deal was sealed, and a diplomatic note representing the Austrian Government appeared before General Yamagata Aritomo.

If it weren't for repeated admonitions from home not to conflict with the great powers, plus the presence of the navy watching over them, Yamagata Aritomo really didn't want to acknowledge this informal note.

Gaining several hundred thousand expatriates overnight was a joke, and it was clear that someone was being fooled. Sadly, there was no choice; the Japanese Government could not provide the great powers with a pretext for intervention.

The Tokyo Government had underestimated the political impact of invading the Philippines. It was the era of white supremacy; even without the Russians' ability to attract enmity, international public opinion naturally favored Spain.

Even England and France, who had invited the Japanese Army into Southeast Asia, had now changed their tune. They not only denied their almost-allied status, but also voided all previously agreed conditions.

"Tell the Austrians to provide relevant evidence. As far as I know, there are only a few hundred Austrian expatriates in the Philippine Islands, and those living in Chinatown are all expatriates from the Far Eastern Empire. With such an obvious difference in skin color, how could they be mistaken?"

It's not that Yamagata Aritomo lacks magnanimity, nor does he covet the little bit of loot. The key issue was that the plan was disrupted.

According to the original plan, once Lüzon Island was captured, they intended to coerce and entice Chinese in Southeast Asia to submit, laying the foundation for ruling the Philippines.

"Commander Sir, it's no use. News from inside reports that last night, the Philippine Chinese leader Chen Taoyue reached an agreement with the Austrian envoy Honorino in the Philippines. They have signed a treaty to obtain Austrian protection in exchange for 350,000 Divine Shield.

I've dealt with Honorino, and he is a vampire ― extremely difficult to deal with. Asking him to give up his benefits is simply impossible."

The speaker was Yamamoto Kazuo, the intelligence officer sent by the Japanese Government to the Philippines. He personally oversaw the inside-out cooperation in the battle for Lüzon Island.

Yamagata Aritomo's brow furrowed, eyes filled with killing intent. If possible, he wouldn't mind sending someone to silence them.

Unfortunately, that was mere wishful thinking; there were too many who knew, and the risk of eliminating them was very high.

Moreover, this era did not focus on evidence. It was enough for the great powers to suspect, without caring about actual evidence.

As a high-ranking member of the Japanese Government, Yamagata Aritomo also paid attention to the international situation.

Judging by the current circumstances, the Anti-French Alliance stood a very good chance of winning, and at the very least, they could fight to a stalemate.

Regardless of the outcome, the Anti-French Alliance would remain a significant force in the European world. With this backdrop, offending the leader of the Anti-French Alliance was undoubtedly unwise.

After a brief pause, Yamagata Aritomo spoke helplessly, "Never mind, they can't run anywhere while they're on the island. Order the troops not to enter Chinatown for now.

Yamamoto-san, your next task is of the utmost importance. You must quickly win over the local power brokers to establish a colonial government, in preparation for the Spaniards' counterattack."

Japan had just regained national sovereignty and couldn't yet assert its strength, especially when facing European powers, as it simply lacked the confidence.

...

In St. Petersburg, Alexander III felt extremely conflicted. He didn't know when the voices advocating for war inside the country had surged again.

Undoubtedly, the Anglo-Russian War had only just ended and Central Asia was still in chaos; it couldn't be about engaging with the British; Russian-Austrian ties were traditional and strong, and the War Party wouldn't be foolish enough to strike at their own.

Besides these two bosses, only France was left with the stature to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Russia. The target of the War Party this time was the French.

The reason was simple: to disrupt France, shatter the British and French Alliance, cripple England, and lay the groundwork for the future conquest of India.

It was certainly a stretch, but it could still be barely justified. According to the logic of the War Party, as long as France fell, the future would be the British facing the Russian-Austrian Alliance alone. The two-on-one fight was a sure victory.

The situation was stable, but England and Austria had to play along. If after crushing France, the Anglo-Austrian countries ceased their aggression, it would be awkward.

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Although Austria's credibility was good, the interests involved this time were too large, and Alexander III expressed deep distrust in whether the Vienna Government could fulfill its promises.

Doubt alone was not enough; in recent years, the Russian Empire had won the Russo-Prussian War and the Central Asian War, and domestic morale had recovered.

Apart from the government's not so full coffers, that mighty Russian Empire had returned.

Strength is courage, and even though the Central Asian War stopped short at Afghanistan, the ambition to covet India had arisen.

The government elite could see the hidden crisis, but it didn't mean ordinary people could also see it. Otherwise, lighting a single firecracker wouldn't have created such a big stir.

"The voices for war are rising within the country, do you think it's suitable to declare war on the French now?"

Asked Alexander III.

The public clamored fiercely, yet the Tsarist Government remained exceptionally calm. Everyone knew that Austria was behind the outcry for war, but the public's cries couldn't deceive anyone. Without the subjective inclination of the populace, Austria's push alone couldn't have made such a big splash.

This judgment was initially correct, but it might not be the case if someone has been guiding public opinion and brainwashing them for a long time.

Of course, one couldn't blame the Tsarist Government. The relationship between Russia and England and France had always been poor, and it was politically correct to promote the dark history of England and France in domestic media.

Since it was politically correct, it wasn't a big deal to include some private goods in it; after all, newspapers and magazines also needed to attract eyeballs!

Once or twice didn't matter, but after a decade or two, quantitative change led to qualitative change. Coupled with the recent England and Russia War, the public's hatred for England and France had become more severe.

Journalists also needed to make a living, and since the public despised England and France, they naturally had to satisfy their readers' demands.

In this context, with Austria pouring more money to fuel the fire, the call for declaring war on France rapidly surged.

For the people's nations, public opinion could influence, even dominate, government decisions, but in conservative Russian Empire, the real decision-making power still lay with the Tsarist Government.

Army Minister Ivanov: "Your Majesty, given the current situation on the European battlefield, the Anti-French Alliance has turned the tide, and the possibility of winning the war is very high.

If we join the fray, the French defeat is only a matter of time. Even if the British enter the fray themselves, it will be too late."

That's right, currently declaring war on France militarily would indeed guarantee victory. Even if the French suddenly turned the tables and pulled all the neutral countries on their side, it still wouldn't change the outcome.

Although he didn't explicitly support war, from Marshal Ivanov's expression, everyone could still tell that the military was eager for war.

It made sense, after all. A war of this kind, beating a downed adversary, was perfect for earning military merits, and the military was naturally not going to refuse.

Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes analyzed, "The Marshal is right, joining the Anti-French Alliance now poses almost no military risk. However, we must also consider the political impact.

Our involvement would allow the Anti-French Alliance to win the war easily, and the post-war situation in Europe would undergo a fundamental reversal.

According to intelligence gathered by our embassy in the German Federation, Austria has already reached agreements with several sub-states, intending to restore the Holy Roman Empire after the war.

Legally speaking, this counts as an internal affair of Austria. As an ally, we have no way to directly oppose it.

If we do not interfere, a behemoth spanning Asia, Europe, and Africa would emerge, not inferior to the Ancient Roman Empire in history.

Without a doubt, with this behemoth, the struggle for hegemony in Europe would naturally come to a close. For a long time to come, we would only be able to play a secondary role on the European continent."

The hegemony of Europe has been a goal the Russian Empire has struggled for, for hundreds of years, but unfortunately, it has ended in failure each time. If possible, no one would want to give up now.

Finance Minister Alisher: "Austria growing stronger indeed does not align with our interests, but it's already too late to try to contain it. Since the fall of Egypt, the French were destined to fail.

Whether or not we join, the final outcome cannot be changed. Since that's the case, why shouldn't we prioritize the Empire's interest?

Waging war against France doesn't mean having to send troops immediately. We can entirely find excuses to delay, first wearing down the Austrians' strength, and then intervening at the last moment to share the spoils of victory.

Although it's uncertain how many benefits we can ultimately gain, we wouldn't have to repay our debts to the French. Just this benefit alone is worth declaring war."

Regardless of the international situation or the balance of Europe, nothing is as real as tangible benefits. The Tsarist Government is genuinely poor now, and every penny saved counts.

Just the mere act of declaring war would wipe clean a debt of over a billion francs. Alexander III truly found no reason to refuse.