Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 951 - 214: Kicking Someone When They’re Down



Chapter 951: Chapter 214: Kicking Someone When They’re Down

After entering the year 1891, Parisians had not seen comfortable days. On the one hand was the increasingly scarce material life, and on the other hand, the ever-soaring high prices made life miserable for the common people.

If only the front lines could keep on winning, enduring a few hard days in the short term would be acceptable to everyone. Unfortunately, the luck of the French Army seemed to have run out in the previous year, and bad news had been continuous since the start of the year.

With the loss of air superiority, Paris had also become unsafe. Especially since August, the Austrian air force had made almost daily visits.

The hit rate of high-altitude bombing depended entirely on luck. The direct damage caused by enemy air raids was not significant, and the threat to France’s military was limited, but the adverse effects brought about caused the Paris Government much distress.

The more uncertain something is, the easier it is to cause panic. Regardless of how low the enemy air force’s hit rate was, once you were caught, people would still die.

For the sake of their dear lives, apart from the politicians who could not escape, Parisians with a bit of wealth all fled to their country estates for refuge.

With the wealthy people gone, Paris’s economy naturally fell into depression. If it were not for the war occupying a large labor force, the French government would probably have to worry about unemployment as well.

Inside the Palace of Versailles, Napoleon IV had already moved out of the basement and resumed normal office work. There was no other reason but that he was no longer afraid of death.

Well, the truth was, after a long period of observation, Napoleon IV realized that the enemy air force deliberately avoided bombing the Imperial Palace. Even if they attacked the Imperial Palace, it was mostly for intimidation.

Indeed, on the European Continent, unless there was deep hatred, there were generally very few who would harm a monarch.

The Bonaparte Dynasty, though harboring some grudges with the Habsburg dynasty, hadn’t reached the point of a life-and-death struggle. Franz, careful of his reputation, naturally did not want to be branded with the infamy of regicide.

Without instructions from above, the combat troops below naturally did not dare to act recklessly. Whether officers or soldiers, no one could bear the guilt of killing a king.

Under Napoleon IV’s protection, the Palace of Versailles, together with the surrounding area, had fortunately become a safe zone. Even during air raids, no one dared to drop bombs below.

When the “woo-woo-woo…” of the air raid alarm sounded, Napoleon IV leisurely walked out and looked up at the sky.

Gazing at the leaflets falling from the sky, Napoleon IV sighed. Sometimes he even wished the enemy would drop bombs to send him to meet God sooner.

What choice did he have? It was too exhausting to be an Emperor. Yet, the family responsibilities prevented him from stepping back, and he had to endure even the most significant pressure. To die in an enemy air raid might even be a form of release.

Without going into details, at least the Bonaparte Dynasty would have made a clean exit. Dead people are the easiest to garner sympathy, especially those who die heroically and tragically.

Those below couldn’t shift the blame no matter what. They certainly couldn’t make a child Crown Prince take on the responsibilities. Even for political reasons, Austria might support the Bonaparte Dynasty in stabilizing the situation.

Catching a small piece of paper falling from the sky, titled “Letter to the French People,” Napoleon IV deeply felt its content, which accused capitalists and financial groups. Without the push from these interest groups, this continental war would never have erupted, at least Napoleon IV himself was initially opposed to this war.

But an individual cannot go against the tide. France had been forced onto the capitalist chariot, embarking on a road of no return.

It was bad enough that they had started this war, but these people had failed partway through. They resorted to extreme measures for exorbitant profits, not only affecting the front lines but also causing widespread discontent among the domestic population.

If not for these dragging feet, even if France had to lose, it would not have lost so quickly.

“Your Majesty, the Prime Minister and the others have arrived.”

The maid’s voice pulled Napoleon IV back from his reverie. Those dragging their feet existed in every country, and it was not unique to France. It’s only because France was on the verge of defeat that the issue had become prominent.

“Bring them in,” Napoleon IV said indifferently.

Ever since it was determined that the surroundings of the Imperial Palace were safe, the French government’s office location had been moved here. This made communication between departments convenient, even saving telephone charges.

Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets: “Your Majesty, the British have rejected our loan application, and they have also announced that all future transactions will require payment upfront.”

Allies, nonexistent. If not for the future international power dynamic needing France, the British would probably have kicked us while we were down long ago.

They had not kicked us while we were down before, but now it was not too late to do so.

The war had come to a point where France’s foreign exchange reserves were already depleted. Even the reserves for issuing currency were mortgaged to the British, now kept in London.

By cutting off loans and demanding payment before delivery, it was clear that they were trying to force France into a corner.

“What do the British want?” Napoleon IV asked coldly. As if all this was expected, it did not cause the slightest ripple.

Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets: “The British are eyeing our overseas colonies, primarily the Indochina Peninsula. They worry that these areas might fall into Austrian hands after the war, posing a threat to the security of their holdings in India.”

There is no such thing as unreasoned love or hate in politics, only eternal interests. Watching France on the brink of defeat, the British couldn’t resist the temptation to plunder amidst chaos.

Austrian influence may not have reached the Indochina Peninsula, but the German Federation has occupied the Malay Peninsula, and after the war, Germany is set to merge, inevitably extending its influence to the Indochina Peninsula.

If the French Indochina Peninsula also falls to Austria, the region of Southeast Asia would become dominated by Austria alone. By then, India would be strategically encircled on three sides by the Russian-Austrian Alliance, facing immense military pressure.

Napoleon IV sneered, “Now you know to worry. What were you doing earlier? If it weren’t for British meddling, we would have broken through the Rhine River by now and wouldn’t be in this situation.”

People bowed their heads one after another, with no one willing to argue with the Emperor on this issue. Even though, everyone knew that Napoleon IV’s statement was somewhat biased.

The British certainly hampered the French Army’s combat efforts, but that wasn’t the fundamental reason for its inability to win. The essential reason was the vast disparity in power between the two sides.

Had they actually crossed the Rhine River, the French Army might have suffered an even worse defeat. At least, now they had not encountered guerrilla fighters, and the occupied areas were stable.

After a pause, Napoleon IV added, “Enough, it’s pointless to say more at this point. What price are the British prepared to offer?”

The War in Europe, unlike the historical Franco-Prussian War, saw Austria possessing a strong enough navy, meaning that postwar France would be unable to keep its overseas colonies.

Under these circumstances, Napoleon IV didn’t mind selling to the British. What annoyed him was the British kicking France while it was down.

Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets: “They’re offering to deduct part of our previous debts and add a batch of material assistance. All in all, the total value is about 60 million pounds.”

Upon hearing this number, Napoleon IV slammed the table and demanded, “Why don’t they just rob us?”

The French Indochina Peninsula covered nearly 740,000 square kilometers of land, fertile and rich in natural resources—a precious asset that brought a substantial wealth to France each year.

Such a high-quality asset would usually be in high demand, with offers far exceeding 60 million pounds, let alone just six times that amount.

Given the current exceptional circumstances, there weren’t many daring to snatch territory from Austria’s maw, but that didn’t justify selling it for a mere 60 million pounds. The French government’s cost of establishing French Indochina alone exceeded that amount.

Yet, even for this 60 million pounds, the British were not prepared to pay in cash but instead wanted to use it as a credit.

Considering current prices, 60 million pounds would at most purchase what would’ve cost 30 million pounds before the war, meaning a severe loss for France.

Prime Minister Terence Burke reminded, “Your Majesty, we have no choice at the moment. We’re well aware that the British are extorting us, but we can’t refuse.

After all, it is better for these regions to be in British hands than Austrian. Moreover, we will need British support in the postwar negotiations to come.”

There’s nothing more sorrowful in the world than knowing one is being extorted and still having to submit willingly.

Fortunately, having been ground down by a series of societal hardships, Napoleon IV’s arrogance had diminished. Had it been ten years earlier, he might have outright picked a fight with the British.

“Tell the British that if they want these regions, they need to show enough sincerity. Otherwise, we would rather leave Indochina to Austria than let them succeed.”

Using the enemy as a threat against an ally was a difficult stance for Napoleon IV. He inherited the vast French Empire from his father and within a mere twenty years, it had been reduced to this—a drop too steep for most to endure.

In the end, it was all because a war was waged at the wrong time, a mistake costing him everything. Overall, Napoleon IV was a competent Emperor; unfortunately, one misstep forfeited everything.

The Italian Area was lost; French African was cooling off, the defense forces in the Algeria Region were insufficient to hold for long; and now, French Indochina seemed likely to change hands, leaving France’s territories as they were seventy years ago.

And that was not all. Judging from the formation of the Anti-French Alliance, keeping France’s mainland intact would be difficult, possibly ending in a worse scenario than that of 1815.

Prime Minister Terence Burke: “Your Majesty, rumors have been flying around Paris these past few days. Those lurking underground are becoming restless again.

If the situation continues to deteriorate, there might even be a rebellion. The Cabinet suggests tightening controls on public opinion and cracking down on those spreading rumors.”

Tightening control over public opinion was not a new approach, but while the government could control newspapers, it could not stop gossip; it could regulate the dissemination of news but not prevent the distribution of flyers falling from the sky.

Without hesitation, Napoleon IV passed the piece of paper in his hand and said, “Take a look. This is a letter of persuasion from the Austrians. What do you plan to do?

On the back is a cartoon: the wealthy feast on fine food while ordinary people bleed on the front lines and suffer from hunger.

Mostly based on facts, the content is very likely to resonate with the common people. Once utilized by the manipulative, a disturbance is imminent.”

The truth often hurts the most. Without lifting the lid, everyone could still feign ignorance, but once exposed to the light, the situation changes drastically.

The patience of the people has its limits, especially when hungry, a single incendiary paper can spark an uprising.

There are only two paths before us: either stand with the financial conglomerates and share the public’s outrage, or turn with the tide and swiftly pin the blame, seizing the opportunity to eradicate the country’s financial forces and using their wealth to placate the populace.


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