Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 953: Chapter 216, The Wind Rises and the Clouds Swell

With the support of wealthy patrons, the French Revolutionary movement surged once again. The suffering life provided fertile ground for the spread of revolutionary ideas.

Without waiting for the French government to react, a massive anti-war, anti-hunger movement began in Paris and quickly spread throughout the country.

If someone observed carefully, they would notice something interesting: those who had initially supported the war were now the ones most opposed to it.

They were the same people, the only change being the many traces of years now etched upon their faces. It was clear that this past year had not been kind to anyone.

The war, once thought to be as swift as autumn winds sweeping away leaves, had become a protracted drain on national strength. Many young Frenchmen, including their relatives, were sent to the battlefield.

If there had been continuous victories on the battlefield, it might have been bearable, but the reality was a series of devastating defeats for the French Army. The suffering of life, along with concerns for their loved ones, compelled people to stand against the war.

If no accidents occurred, once the armistice was signed, the same people dissatisfied with the terms would likely be the ones calling for the punishment of traitors to the nation.

It could only be said that the government of Napoleon IV was unlucky to have coincided with the most chaotic era of French thought.

As the revolutionary movement swelled, a massive uprising erupted in Rome on September 1, 1891. Unlike any previous anti-French uprisings, this time the leaders were the Nobility and missionaries.

When the wall falls, everyone pushes it down. Seeing the French on the brink of ruin, the Italian local power factions, long dissatisfied with the French, finally took concrete action.

From the outset, the uprising turned the Italian soldiers of the garrison and, with the Church as their cover, the Rebel Army soon took control of Rome.

After the uprising succeeded, acting as the Religious Leader, Pope Leo XIII issued the “Anti-Aggression Declaration” from The Vatican, calling for all Italians to rise and drive out the French.

Upon receiving the news, Franz’s first reaction was that the climax of the Italian independence movement had arrived. Without any hesitation, he immediately ordered troops to head south to support the Italian national liberation movement.

…

At the Palace of Versailles, the deteriorating situation finally pushed Napoleon IV to the edge of the precipice; it was time to make a decision.

Army Minister Luskinia: “With the fall of the Roman region, the situation in Italy has been set to rot. Currently, we do not have enough troops to deploy to Italy to clean up the mess.

The Army Department suggests temporarily abandoning the Italian Area, retreating to the Alps, and consolidating our forces for a homeland defense battle. This includes the intensely distressed defense of Turin, which is not worth continuing.”

The harsh reality was before their eyes; Italy, once the limitless glory of the Greater French Empire, had now become a quagmire. Continuing to be mired in it offered no value beyond the needless depletion of national strength.

Militarily speaking, falling back to the Alps was undoubtedly the best option. France could ensure the security of the southern line with minimal forces, then redirect the spared troops to other battlefields.

But what is best militarily does not necessarily equate to what is best politically. In some sense, France abandoning the Italian Area was hardly different from a direct admission of defeat.

After the loss of the Italian Area, the weakness of France would be completely exposed; one could imagine the Anti-French Alliance would not miss the chance to kick France while it was down.

Those allies who previously made a token effort without real commitment would now scramble to tear off a piece of flesh from France.

Everyone knew it, yet no one opposed it. It was clear that the current issue was not whether to give up the Italian Area but how to manage the consequences.

After scanning the room, Napoleon IV slowly said, “Mm, let’s proceed with the Army Department’s plan.

It seems that Austria is prepared to restore those Italian States. You should know what to do next, right?”

“Your Majesty, please rest assured. We will handle it properly and will not leave the enemy…”

Seeing the low spirits and seeming impatience of Napoleon IV, Luskinia’s talk suddenly ceased.

Without saying it, they knew it meant sabotage. For a considerable time to come, the restored Italian States would be enemies of France. While there was still a chance, it was natural to weaken these potential enemies.

In a sense, the more devastation France wreaks now, the more reconstruction funds will be needed after the war. The Italian States naturally have no money, so the hassle falls on Austria’s shoulders again.

As for France facing retaliation after the war, it’s a joke to think that not acting now will somehow make the enemy show mercy.

Since the outbreak of the war, France and Austria had several secret contacts, none of which led to an agreement; otherwise, the war would have ended long ago.

To think that France is simply stubborn and won’t cry until seeing the coffin. In reality, it’s Austria’s excessive demands that the Paris Government finds unacceptable, which is why they’ve held out until now.

Then, everyone reluctantly discovered that war is something you really can’t drag on. As the French Army continued to suffer defeats on the battlefield, Austria’s terms became increasingly stringent, and the gap between the two sides’ bottom lines grew significantly.

If the Vienna Government were willing to compromise and offer the ceasefire terms from six months ago, no, even the terms from three months ago, Napoleon IV would have accepted them without hesitation.

But there was no way; six months ago, Austria had demanded France forfeit French Africa, restore the borders in Central Europe to pre-war lines, and pay a certain amount of war reparations.

With the French Army not yet defeated and most of French Africa still in their hands, the Paris Government naturally couldn’t accept such terms.

Three months ago it was different. French Africa could no longer satisfy Austria’s appetite; not only did they increase the war indemnity by a substantial amount, but they also demanded that France give up the Italian Area.

Such humiliating and sovereignty-reducing terms were, of course, too much for the Paris Government to accept. And before they could even react, the French Army suffered two major defeats at the front, followed by Russia, Spain, and Switzerland being dragged into the conflict by Austria.

When they made contact again, Austria’s conditions got even more outrageous, not only including the previous demands but also laying territorial claims on mainland France.

And it wasn’t just a little bit. It wasn’t just Austria wanting to reclaim the old Shinra territories, but the neighbors also wanting to cut themselves a piece.

Without a doubt, such conditions, which would reduce France’s size, would certainly result in a change of ownership at the Palace of Versailles if Napoleon IV dared agree to them.

Prime Minister Terence Burke: “Your Majesty, those fellows seem to have sensed something; they are all keeping a low profile, and some have even left Paris.

Moreover, the Revolutionary Party has suddenly become active. In the recent strikes and violent incidents, the shadow of the Revolutionary Party can be seen.

Just the Revolutionary Party alone doesn’t have the ability to orchestrate so many actions; there must be other forces supporting them from behind.

Those who have the capability and motive to do such things could only be them. If we don’t take action now, they probably will.”

It was clear that Terence Burke was extremely wary of the economic clans, even using euphemisms when discussing them in council.

There was no choice; the last politician who publicly advocated suppressing the economic clans has long been buried under grass.

Napoleon IV is partly to blame; during his regency, he was busy seizing power and was exploited by the economic clans, leading to the marginalization of the faction in the government that was in favor of suppressing them.

By the time Napoleon IV realized, the political forces advocating for suppression of the economic clans had already crumbled under the economic clans’ onslaught of money.

Pity the integrity of politicians is so grand. During the Napoleon III Era, with a strong Emperor in control, any politician who dared to cozy up to the economic clans would be sent back to farm their land, and anyone who wanted to make it in the political field had to be opposed to them.

The saying “a new emperor brings a new court” might be a bit exaggerated for the European Continent. But Napoleon IV’s ascension wasn’t a normal transition of power; there was an interim period of ministerial regency, and the Bonaparte family had no one to control the overall situation. Power transition after personally leading a campaign was inevitable.

The young and impetuous Napoleon IV, with political skills far from mature and without a strong figure in the Bonaparte family to assist, inevitably left loopholes for others to exploit.

This was somewhat similar to Chongzhen, busy fighting for power and forgetting to maintain a balance among political factions.

But Napoleon IV’s political acumen was slightly stronger; in the later stages of political strife, he quietly supported the rise of direct political forces.

If not for the outbreak of the great revolution halfway through, he might have gradually played the economic clans out. After all, the economic clans were just capitalists banding together for mutual benefit and could just as easily split due to interests, as their cohesion was very poor to begin with.

After hesitating for a moment, Napoleon IV nodded, “Prepare to launch! At this stage, we can only gamble.”