Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 957: Chapter 220: The Sky Pit

Interests move hearts, and while the British eyed the French warships, the Austrian Navy was similarly scheming to get their hands on France’s fleet.

What seemed like an ordinary dispute over warships had in fact evolved into a struggle for naval supremacy, and the ultimate fate of the French fleet would directly impact the world order that followed.

At the Vienna Palace, facing the anxious crowd, Franz calmly asked, “Do you think the French will just willingly hand over their warships to us?”

Truth be told, Franz had also considered seizing the French fleet. Directly inheriting France’s naval legacy and combining the naval strengths of the two countries to surpass the British was a tantalizing vision.

However, harsh reality told him that this was impossible. The France-Austrian Navy were each their own system, and just integrating them would take more than a moment to achieve.

If it were just a matter of time, then perhaps it wasn’t insurmountable. The trouble was that under Franz’s butterfly effect, naval technology had far surpassed that of the original timeline, and it was only missing a concept before the advent of the dreadnoughts.

If Austria got hold of the French warships, the British, to maintain their naval dominance, would definitely increase their investment in the navy.

Once the dreadnoughts emerged, those costly ironclad ships would be promptly relegated to the dustbin of history.

Without a doubt, Austria would have to keep up with the development of dreadnoughts. What then should be done with these superfluous ironclad ships?

There’s no question of selling them, and even if given away for free, no one could afford to maintain them. The world’s second-largest navy, even if the Anglo-Austrian two countries combined efforts, would struggle, let alone other nations.

Keeping them might lend some prestige, but their practical value would be next to nil. Surely it’s not feasible to precipitate a grand naval showdown before the British come out with their dreadnoughts, to overwhelm them through sheer numbers?

It wasn’t that Franz was hesitant, he just lacked confidence. On paper, the combined tonnage of the France-Austrian Navy did exceed the British, 1.5 to 1, which seemed advantageous, but in actual combat, the outcome was unknown.

In those days, the Royal Navy was a force to be reckoned with. Franz wasn’t very clear on the state of the French Navy, but he was certain the Austrian Navy was far from solid.

As one of the first nations to enter the era of ironclad ships, the Austrian Navy was at a juncture where a significant portion of its fleet was aging and required large-scale renewal.

Aside from their capital ships keeping pace with the times, many auxiliary vessels were outdated, with even some sailing warships still in existence.

There was no other reason but to save money. Only those who’ve experienced it themselves understand the hardship of simultaneously developing naval and land forces.

Putting himself in their shoes, Franz had reason to believe the French Navy was also substantially inflated. The world’s three major naval powers were nominally on the same level, but that was relative to other naval powers.

Essentially, the Royal Navy was a cut above, and the comparison of the naval forces of the three countries was forced due to interests.

Without competitors, how could one justify military spending? The slogan of the three great naval powers was initially shouted by the Royal Navy to exert pressure on parliament.

Compared to the obsolete fleets of France and Austria, the Royal Navy was in much better shape. As the king of the international naval trade market, the British could export batches of second-hand warships every few years.

Funds recouped from the arms trade, combined with the already highest military budget, allowed the Royal Navy to far outpace France and Austria in updating and replacing ships.

“Your Majesty, civil unrest has broken out in France, and the Bonaparte Dynasty is in jeopardy. As long as we’re willing to help them maintain their regime, Napoleon IV is likely to compromise,” explained Navy Minister Castagni.

After some thought, Franz vetoed the idea, “No!”

“Intervening in the French regime change seems like a brilliant move, but it’s more loss than gain. It’s no longer the Middle Ages; nationalistic French cannot accept a government propped up by foreign powers.”

“The war has uprooted the Bonaparte Dynasty; unless we hold back, no one will be able to clean up the mess afterward.

“That’s impossible; even if we were willing to give up suppressing France, our allies would not easily relent. How can they sleep at night without crippling France?”

“Napoleon IV is not a fool; even if he’s blinded by power, others will remind him. The best thing for the Bonaparte Dynasty now is to step down quickly and find a scapegoat to bear the brunt of the people’s wrath.”

These are not the old days, and it’s precisely the peak of hatred between France and Austria. Supporting a pro-Austria regime in France is clearly unrewarding.

If we were truly to support the Bonaparte Dynasty, then the best strategy for Austria would be to openly back their competitors, and the enraged French populace would handle the rest.

“However, this opportunity is too rare, and if we miss it now, it won’t be easy to overtake the Royal Navy any time soon,” Navy Minister Castagni insisted.

Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, “Calm down, Your Excellency. It’s not impossible to get warships from the French. The key is whether the cost paid matches the benefits.

“The war has cost us dearly already, and we simply don’t have the financial strength to compete with the British for sea supremacy in the short term.

“After the war, we must first focus on economic recovery. Even if we get the French fleet, we can’t afford to maintain it. Besides, we aren’t the only ones eyeing French warships, and it would look bad for us to hoard them all.

“The Foreign Ministry suggests selecting a few capital ships to bring back and allocate the rest to allies, avoiding unnecessary trouble.”

Theoretically, this was the most rational approach. Austria biting off more than it could chew with the French fleet would be problematic, but if the whole Anti-French Alliance shared in taking the French ships, there would be no issue.

Dividing the spoils with everyone, any international pressure would vanish into thin air.

After all, the essence of the French Navy lies in its capital ships, something Austria does not lack in auxiliary ships.

Navy Minister Castagni hurriedly objected, “Your Excellency, please don’t do that. The technology standards used by the French Navy and ours are different. If we can’t get all of them back, then we might as well not take any of them.

It’s a complete loss to provide specialized supporting facilities for just a few French vessels.”

Ever since Austria completed its military reforms, standardization had been etched into everyone’s minds. Everything, from naval vessels and ports to a single screw, had its specific standard.

If we can’t acquire all of the French’s main ships, then losing the strategic significance of surpassing the Royal Navy makes a few vessels insignificant to the Austrian Navy.

“If the Navy doesn’t want them, then we might as well give up. Let’s have a grand auction of ships after the war, inviting all countries to participate, using the funds raised as part of the war reparations.”

Franz made a resolute decision that immediately brought Castagni to the brink of tears.

Incurring additional logistical stress for a few French vessels was indeed not worth it, but if it were dozens of vessels, that would be a different story.

As the second largest naval power in the world, France alone had hundreds of ironclad ships. Even if Austria took dozens, there would be enough left to be distributed without any allocation issues.

Castagni was initially only trying to bargain, but the sudden turn of events naturally left him disheartened.

Clearly, Franz was not a leader who cared about his subordinates’ feelings. After making a decision, he immediately moved on to the next topic, not providing Castagni any time to adjust.

…

While the Vienna Government considered post-war issues, the battlefield once again underwent changes.

First, the French forces on the southern line couldn’t withstand the pressure and voluntarily gave up the Italian Area; then, the French forces in Central Europe once again lost their equipment and armor on the battlefield, being forced back to their homeland; and even a large part of the Franche-Comté region in the east was lost.

The only relatively stable front was in the west, where a bunch of second-tier French soldiers held back the Spanish attack through sheer courage.

Of course, this did not prove their combat strength. It was more due to the unreliable Spaniards – everyone was seizing the chance to kick someone when they’re down yet hesitated to commit fully.

Now Napoleon IV faced only two choices: either flee abroad himself or be exiled by the Anti-French Alliance.

No matter the choice, his personal safety was assured. Compared to Emperor Napoleon who had garnered hatred from all sides, Napoleon IV had offended far fewer.

Aside from the domestic capitalists, there were hardly any mortal enemies. If the Bonaparte family were good at public relations, even exile could be avoided.

The most perplexing issue for Napoleon IV was whether to continue striving in exile or to concede defeat and leave politics, possibly restoring the empire in the future.

In the Palace of Versailles, the increasingly gaunt Napoleon IV asked, “The war is bound to fail; what do you all think we should do now?”

Those present were staunch supporters of the Bonaparte Dynasty, and Napoleon IV had not acted counter to his own interests, so there was no question of them deserting him.

Moreover, it was the Anti-French Alliance advancing upon them. Even if someone wanted to defect, no one would welcome them!

Prime Minister Terence Burke was the first to speak, “Your Majesty, the situation is irretrievable. For now, we can only retreat temporarily and wait for a proper time to return.

However, we cannot bear the responsibility for the defeat, nor can we sign the harsh peace treaty. This war was initiated by the consortiums and it failed because of them; they must be held accountable.

According to the latest investigation, among the suspects we’ve captured, 485 have admitted to treason. Unfortunately, the mastermind behind this operation has escaped.

They’ve confessed to a series of problems, including instigating this conspiratorial war, causing prices to soar during the war, and deliberately creating social discord, all under the direction of international forces.”

Certainly, Terence Burke planned to shift blame away before fleeing, trying his best to preserve the reputation of the Bonaparte Dynasty and prepare for a future restoration.

Whether capitalists colluded with international forces didn’t matter anymore. The crimes pinned on them were well-founded, and pushing them into the spotlight was just the right move.

Even if the truth came out, it was irrelevant, considering what these people had done. Their reputations were already tarnished, and there were plenty of eager citizens willing to testify.

The competition within the bourgeoisie was equally ruthless; no one would show mercy to defeat a rival. Even if there was any intention of vindication, it would have to wait until these individuals were long gone.

An uncertain Napoleon IV asked, “You mean to leave Paris to the Revolutionaries, to deal with the Anti-French Alliance?”

Paris was now a hot potato. Whoever took it on would face a devastating issue: how to get the Anti-French Alliance to leave.

As the loser of the war, not paying a harsh price was out of the question. Ceding territory and paying reparations were inevitable.

Yet, whether ceding territory or paying reparations, the people of France wouldn’t accept such treaties. Any such agreement was tantamount to political suicide for the signatory. Not signing wasn’t an option either, as the millions-strong Anti-French Forces were not to be trifled with.

France could drive out the residents of occupied territories, and the Anti-French Alliance was certainly capable of the same. With the example of the Ottoman Empire before their eyes, no one could guarantee that France wouldn’t become the second Ottomans.

International pressure was non-existent. In this age of survival of the fittest, the mightiest Anti-French Alliance essentially represented the international order.

Terence Burke nodded, “Yes, Your Majesty. Since the Revolutionaries have chosen to rebel at this time, then they must be able to bear the consequences.”