Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 960: Chapter 223: The War Ends

Before the bemused Revolutionary Government could react, the Anti-French Alliance had already advanced to the gates, turning “surrender” into the new focus of heated debate in the French Parliament.

“At this point, we can no longer continue the fight. To preserve the vitality of France, I suggest we immediately end this war and address the subsequent issues through negotiation,” one elder proposed, instantly garnering everyone’s support. Those who adapt to the times are true heroes, and the French Parliament was the result of compromises from all sides. Those who could sit here were all flexible and resilient individuals.

The truly stubborn ones had either been snapped off by Napoleon IV or chopped down by the Revolutionary Party. Those who survived and thrived were all adept political minds.

Since the pit was already dug, Napoleon IV naturally wouldn’t leave a rich inheritance for the Revolutionary Party. Not only did he take a large chunk of funds, but even the defensive cannons of Paris were packed up and sent away under the pretext of reinforcing the front.

With the Anti-French Alliance advancing to the gates, Paris was fundamentally indefensible. The enemy wouldn’t even need to lay siege—the City Defense Army would collapse on its own after being encircled for just one or two months.

The pride of France had been mostly worn down in the war, and “ceasefire” had already become the consensus among the wise. The War Party had long been extinguished.

Just as the proposal for surrender was about to pass, Socialist Party Deputy Francis urgently objected, “We cannot surrender immediately, or else we will fall right into the enemy’s trap.

If none of you want to carry the stigma of being a traitor for the rest of your lives, maligned by everyone, we must resist now.

We don’t expect to defeat the Anti-French Alliance, but at the very least we need to show the public our determination to resist. The Revolutionary Government must prove through concrete actions that we are not traitors.”

Although history is written by victors, not every blame can be shouldered. If labeled as traitors, the Revolutionary Government would not last long.

In Francis’s view, the Revolutionary Government needed to put on this show to establish themselves, even if it meant heavy losses.

A young military officer retorted angrily, “Mr. Francis, it’s not about whether we want to fight or not. The fact is we really cannot continue to fight.

With the main forces having surrendered, what do we have to resist the enemy’s invasion?”

Talking is always easier than doing. “Resistance” is a light word on the lips of politicians who don’t have to charge into battle, so naturally, they feel no pressure.

But for the commanders of the Revolutionary Army, it was anything but light. No one knew better than them the level of their own troops.

It might seem like they had defeated the government forces and appeared mightily impressive, but it was all based on the premise that the government forces had deliberately pulled their punches.

The French Army might have been lenient with them, but that didn’t mean the Anti-French Alliance would be soft-handed. Going into a bloody battle with a rabble was clearly a death sentence.

Feeling his dignity was challenged, Francis immediately warned, “General Fick, watch your words. The Revolutionary Army is invincible, so why can’t we resist the enemy’s invasion?”

General Fick’s young officer darkened his face in response. Politics were so peculiar. Knowing full well the Revolutionary Army was a ragtag bunch, they had to treat them as an “elite force.”

“Invincible” was just a slogan to boost morale. Anyone who took it seriously was a fool. Yet now it had been put out in the open, becoming a tool in the hands of the politicians.

This was also a result of the peculiar situation of the Revolutionary Government, where one group led the revolution, and another now held power.

Of course, seizing power also involved tricks; the opportunists exploited the simplicity of the revolutionaries by having them command the Revolutionary Army. It seemed like maintaining the status quo, but they were actually using it as a chance to exclude them from the power structure.

Although the military held a not-so-low status in France, it wasn’t particularly high either. Once their identity was confined to the military, they automatically lost the chance to vie for the highest political office.

“Power comes from the barrel of a gun” is true, but the problem was they didn’t control all the military power. After the victory of the Paris revolution, the Revolutionary Government’s armed forces didn’t consist only of the Revolutionary Army, but also included the restructured Paris Defense Army and National Self-Defense Force.

Compared with the hastily assembled Revolutionary Army, the restructured forces were clearly stronger combatants. Power means voice, which was why the French Parliament was infiltrated by a large number of Royalist Party members.

Whether they liked it or not, the current state of the Paris Revolutionary Government was this: internally, the Royalist Party was stronger than the Revolutionary Party.

Francis seemed to be pushing the Revolutionary Army to fight to death, but wasn’t he also using this as an opportunity to weaken the strength of the three major factions of the Royalist Party?

“Mr. Francis, how long do you think we can hold off the enemy? You should know that once the enemy reaches our gates, Paris will be an isolated city.

We indeed need to show our courage to the enemy, to fight for favorable conditions in post-war negotiations, but that’s based on achieving significant combat results.

This was clearly not something that could be accomplished by sitting trapped in a besieged city. The resources inside the City of Paris were not plentiful, and after losing outside support, even if the enemy did not attack, we could not hold out for long.

If I were the enemy commander, I would besiege Paris and send troops to occupy other areas in France, then just drag out the time.

One can imagine the kind of destruction that would be wrought by the several million troops of the Anti-French Alliance once they spread out across France. Perhaps there would be no need for ceasefire negotiations; the enemy could simply strip France bare.”

This was not alarmism but a reality that could happen. “Looting” is a tradition of European armies, and if several million Allied forces were left to plunder France at will, it would be surprising if they did not strip it bare.

Financial losses are a minor issue; the real fear is the enemy not playing by the rules and inflicting a human tragedy where nine out of ten households are emptied.

By then, it wouldn’t just be about bearing a bad name, but about whether or not France would even exist. After all, the members of the Anti-French Alliance are numerous, and about a dozen countries can vouch for each other, turning black into white.

The harsh reality left the War Party speechless. Only now did they truly understand the government’s predicament.

…

On October 27, 1891, after a symbolic resistance, the Paris Revolutionary Government was forced to surrender to the Allied Forces, bringing the year-long European war to an end.

After accepting the surrender of the French government, regardless of whether the French were willing, Albrecht ordered martial law to be enforced in Paris without delay.

Entering Paris once again, Albrecht was filled with emotion. “Thirty years a piece, such is the shift of fortune.” In his wildest dreams, he had not imagined that one day he would enter Paris as a conqueror.

As the convoy entered Champs-Élysées, Albrecht frowned upon seeing the majestic gate in front of him and indifferently ordered, “Send someone to dismantle it!”

In February 1806, Napoleon defeated the Russian-Austrian forces at the Battle of Austerlitz. To commemorate this glorious victory, the French government specially built the “Arc de Triomphe” that symbolized France’s splendor.

It was fine for it to represent the splendor of France, but the key issue was that Austria had been made a stepping stone. In Marshal Albrecht’s eyes, this was a symbol of Austria’s humiliation.

Before, there was no choice since Austria indeed lost at the Battle of Austerlitz, and the victory in the war against France was credited to the Russians.

After the last war against France ended, prideful Austria was too embarrassed to ask the French to dismantle it at the Vienna Peace Conference. Of course, this might also have something to do with the incomplete construction.

Now things were different; the Austrian army had marched into Paris, and naturally, there was no need to keep this irksome building.

“Wait!”

Lieutenant General Friedrich argued, “Marshal, this gate was built to commemorate Napoleon’s victory at Austerlitz, which marked our downfall and France’s rise to its zenith.

History is history, even if we dismantle this gate, it cannot be changed. Instead of doing that, why not keep it as a warning for future generations?

To commemorate this period in history, I suggest that all treaties after the war should be signed under the Arc de Triomphe.”

The fact that it could incite such deep-seated hatred in both men was not simply due to the defeat in a battle. Over the past several hundred years, the Habsburg dynasty had seen many defeats, yet none had stirred such a reaction.

The key issue was that after the Battle of Austerlitz, Napoleon forced the Habsburg dynasty to dissolve the Holy Roman Empire, humiliating the Habsburg family.

As Royal family members, there was no one who did not wish for vengeance. The Bonaparte Dynasty’s inability to assimilate into the European Nobility Circle was also not unrelated to the Habsburg dynasty’s strikes and retaliation.

It seemed as though Albrecht thought of something, and he slightly smiled, “Friedrich, you are right. History should indeed be remembered.

On this matter, we even have to thank the French for helping us record it; without their assistance, perhaps we might have forgotten that period of history.

Without the spur of that humiliating history, Austria today would not exist. I will convey your suggestion to the home country. Issue an order to designate people to protect this gate, prohibiting anyone from damaging it.”

Without a doubt, the so-called “historical remembrance” and “historical incentive” were just pretexts. Perhaps it had a profound effect on the older generation like Albrecht, but not so much on the younger generation.

Time can dilute everything. If not for a mention in history books, many might not even know of these events. Emphasizing these points is simply a way to craft a glorious image for the Habsburg dynasty.

Including signing treaties under the “Arc de Triomphe,” this was not just to humiliate the French but more importantly, to send a signal to the outside world—the once Holy Roman Empire was coming back.