Reincarnated as Nikolai II

This is our Imperial citizens' thinking, and when you add advancing front lines and the enemy's disadvantage in two-front war, most battles get treated as victories in the rear.

In other words, there's no way the current Empire's cabinet would face pressure from anti-war sentiment or waver in conducting the war.

Naturally this is good news from a warring nation's perspective, but since this isn't a war fought alone, it's not entirely good.

Because anti-war sentiment pressures not only one's own government but sometimes allied governments too.

This special wartime situation entangles even internal politics between countries.

Then what should we use if there's no anti-war sentiment?

"Ah, damn. To experience this again in my life."

"Be quiet."

The answer lies with our State Duma member coming to meet me wearing a mask.

"Mm, sorry. This is confidential since this house is used by the Okhrana in the capital. Branch Chief Bronstein did well."

Beren Volkov, once rising as a Duma sensation but never growing beyond becoming a seven-term member.

"It's been quite a while since we met privately?"

"Your Majesty... If you had something to say, you could have summoned me to the palace."

"Look who doesn't know. I brought you here for a conversation that mustn't be known."

Just a few years ago, everyone in political circles was convinced that the traditional imperial bureaucracy would maintain its iron grip on power indefinitely, but I've heard that the atmosphere in the State Duma has shifted dramatically since Prime Minister Kokovtsov made the unprecedented move of bringing Duma representatives into regular cabinet consultations.

If before they were treated like cold, stale rice - pushed aside and strictly limited to reviewing minor bill proposals without any real influence - now they're gradually taking shape as a proper parliament, with committees that actually have some sway over policy decisions. The representatives are finding their voice and learning to navigate the complex dynamics of Russian governance.

Anyway, though it may have started as little more than a ceremonial garbage bin for disposing of public dissent, now the Duma has properly grown into a vibrant forum where all sorts of political opinions and ideological perspectives can openly clash and intermingle. Liberal reformers, conservative traditionalists, and moderate centrists are all contributing to increasingly substantive debates about Russia's future direction. The level of discourse has matured significantly, even if the body's formal powers remain somewhat constrained by the autocratic system.

And Beren is still that Duma's heretic.

"I've long looked into your statism. More precisely, the legacy left by Bunge."

"Y-You have?"

"Yes. But there was nothing special. Just content emphasizing responsibilities and duties by dividing roles between state and individual."

Originally, statism and similar ideologies are just foundational concepts, and only when they develop divided into interventionism, socialism, capitalism etc. does something worthy of being called an 'ideology' emerge.

Even then, unless it's nationalism, it's absolutely impossible to become a state's foundation.

"Your Majesty, statism isn't such a simple content. If you dig deeper-"
Enjoy more content from empire

"Stop, I didn't call you because I was curious about that. Anyway, only some bureaucrats and members listen to your claims, imperial citizens neither care nor understand."

"T-That part too, once education levels rise-"

"Enough, man. How long do you think you'll keep that position?"

Still, if there's one use I acknowledge for that statism, it's just one thing.

Since it's an undeveloped ideology, it's perfect for roughly patching together various things.

'That's why Beren started making his name as a Duma member too. Conservative, progressive, liberal. Good for straddling everywhere regardless of left or right.'

He rose thanks to that but had clear limitations just as much. After the Russo-Japanese War, he became colorless and odorless except in Far East economics.

"So I want to give you an opportunity."

"What kind of opportunity?"

"The opportunity to become an anti-war activist."

"...I don't want to die yet."

Yes, this is right. Who would dare bring up anti-war talk before the Tsar.

But in the current situation, anti-war with a few conditions could become patriotic.

"No, you're not opposing the Russian government's war. What I want from you is to criticize and slander those Western European allies who only fight fake, easy wars while our Imperial Army bravely goes out to shed blood, making us appear as victims."

"H-However, if I'm mistakenly branded an anti-government activist, the Okhrana..."

So saying, Beren glances at Branch Chief Bronstein pretending not to hear anything beside him.

"That won't happen. No matter what nonsense you shout in parliament from tomorrow, the Okhrana won't move. No, Branch Chief Bronstein might even help."

How can someone who always shouts and raises fists full of spirit in parliament be so fearful?

"Perhaps this role could become another source of income for you. After the war, numerous veterans, their families, and those dissatisfied with the war's outcome. When they enter voting booths, won't they remember you who called for anti-war during wartime?"

I kept gently scratching Beren's ambitions that had shrunk with time.

"You went to the Far East on foot when there weren't even railways trusting just me, shouldn't you at least become opposition leader even if ruling party is difficult?"

"...What should I do first?"

"Khuhu, good. This is the Beren Volkov I know."

Though his eyes still waver, I can see the political ambition for power gradually burning within.

"From tomorrow you're an anti-war activist. More precisely, you should call for alliance withdrawal. Get the necessary materials from the branch chief before leaving."

"...So you mean not opposing the Imperial government but making Britain and France appear as useless rice cookers?"

"Exactly."

Actually looking just at the second half of 1915 since the war began and eating up to Constantinople, it's not wrong.

"How far should I go for the Imperial government to respond?"

"Kokovtsov won't respond to your words."

"Then..."

"Instead, our allies will react."

The voice Beren shouts in parliament isn't meant for Duma members or cabinet personnel to hear.

It's for those allies.

For those trying to make their backsides heavier while holding great expectations for us to hear.

And I could be certain.

"I guarantee. London and Paris will be stirred by your every word."

They will open their eyes and ears and anxiously listen to this cowardly member's nonsense.

Because we won big, and too many died.

So much that those bastards wouldn't even dare try.